{"id":5892,"date":"2022-02-24T08:38:46","date_gmt":"2022-02-24T07:38:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blog.ki.se\/rektor\/?p=5892"},"modified":"2022-02-25T16:51:15","modified_gmt":"2022-02-25T15:51:15","slug":"akademin-far-inte-anvandas-som-maktmedel-i-krig-och-konflikt","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blog.ki.se\/rektor\/2022\/02\/24\/akademin-far-inte-anvandas-som-maktmedel-i-krig-och-konflikt\/","title":{"rendered":"Akademin f\u00e5r inte anv\u00e4ndas som maktmedel i krig och konflikt"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Texten skriven innan nattens h\u00e4ndelser och den ryska milit\u00e4ra insatsen mot Ukraina. Inneh\u00e5llet \u00e4r dock lika aktuellt. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

English version below<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ska forskning och offentlig forskningsfinansiering kunna anv\u00e4ndas som ett medel f\u00f6r att s\u00e4tta press p\u00e5 akt\u00f6rer inblandade i internationella konflikter?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fr\u00e5gan har aktualiserats efter Rysslands erk\u00e4nnande av de tv\u00e5 \u00f6stliga ukrainska regionerna Lugansk och Donetsk som sj\u00e4lvst\u00e4ndiga stater. Beskedet har lett till att stora delar av omv\u00e4rlden har, eller \u00e4r p\u00e5 v\u00e4g att, besluta om olika former av sanktioner mot Ryssland. F\u00f6r EU:s del handlar det om ett omfattande paket, med fokus fr\u00e4mst p\u00e5 \u00e5tg\u00e4rder som ska k\u00e4nnas ekonomiskt. Men i sammanhanget har det ocks\u00e5 diskuterats andra insatser. D\u00e4ribland \u201cscientific sanctions\u201d (se t ex artikel i Science Business<\/a>, 22 februari).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Som ett medel<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Det finns inga beslut tagna om den h\u00e4r formen av sanktioner, men det \u00e4r uppenbart att det p\u00e5g\u00e5r diskussioner om att utnyttja forskningsutbyte och forskningsfinansiering som ett medel f\u00f6r att \u00f6ka pressen p\u00e5 Ryssland. I praktiken skulle det i s\u00e5 fall handla om att st\u00e4nga ute Ryssland fr\u00e5n det samarbete som finns inom EU:s ramprogram f\u00f6r forskning, Horisont Europa.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

F\u00f6r mig \u00e4r det en enkel sak att inta en mycket kritisk h\u00e5llning till Rysslands aggressiva politik gentemot Ukraina. Sj\u00e4lvklart har jag inte n\u00e5got emot ekonomiska sanktioner, f\u00f6rutsatt att de drabbar dem som har i makten \u2013 de som \u00e4r ytterst ansvariga f\u00f6r \u00f6vergrepp mot folkr\u00e4tten och internationell r\u00e4tt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Men aggression, vapenskrammel och v\u00e4pnade konflikter l\u00f6ser mycket s\u00e4llan n\u00e5gra problem. Och att som ett stort och m\u00e4ktigt land ut\u00f6va den h\u00e4r formen av terrorliknande utpressning mot ett annat sj\u00e4lvst\u00e4ndigt land kan inte annat \u00e4n f\u00f6rd\u00f6mas. Kan omv\u00e4rlden st\u00f6dja Ukraina genom olika former av icke-aggressiva insatser, som ekonomiska sanktioner eller bojkotter av olika slag, s\u00e5 \u00e4r det ett utm\u00e4rkt s\u00e4tt att agera p\u00e5 \u2013 vi visar tydligt var v\u00e5r solidaritet ligger och v\u00e5r avst\u00e5ndstagande gentemot m\u00e4ktigare l\u00e4nders orimliga agerande mot mindre grannar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Reagerar instinktivt<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

I en krissituation reagerar man ofta instinktivt och \u00e4gnar inte tillr\u00e4ckligt med tid till att t\u00e4nka p\u00e5 det principiella och det \u00f6vergripande syftet f\u00f6r akademiskt samarbete. Ska akademin \u2013 forskning och h\u00f6gre utbildning \u2013 anv\u00e4ndas som politiskt p\u00e5tryckningsmedel i en konflikt? Nej. Jag tycker att det vore b\u00e5de olyckligt och ol\u00e4mpligt att upph\u00f6ra med forskningssamarbeten f\u00f6r att uppn\u00e5 olika politiska syften \u2013 om \u00e4n s\u00e5 v\u00e4llovliga.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ni som f\u00f6ljt min blogg vet att jag tagit upp fr\u00e5gan om ansvarsfull internationalisering<\/em> frekvent. Det \u00e4r en stor utmaning och det finns m\u00e5nga perspektiv och h\u00e4nsyn att beakta n\u00e4r det g\u00e4ller forskningssamarbete eller internationellt studentutbyte. Var ska vi dra gr\u00e4nsen? \u00c4r det okej att ha n\u00e5gon form akademisk interaktion med en totalit\u00e4r stat? Hur ska i s\u00e5 fall denna interaktion se ut, var g\u00e5r gr\u00e4nserna? Hur ska vi st\u00e4lla oss moraliskt? Etiskt? Vad blir konsekvensen f\u00f6r de forskare och studenter som \u00e4r verksamma i det auktorit\u00e4ra landet? Gynnar v\u00e5r n\u00e4rvaro, engagemang och samarbete den akademiska friheten i det auktorit\u00e4ra landet? Eller legitimerar vi i sj\u00e4lva verket regimen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Inga givna svar<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Det finns inga givna svar och varje situation \u00e4r unik och m\u00e5ste bed\u00f6mas utifr\u00e5n sina s\u00e4rskilda omst\u00e4ndigheter. Men generellt vill jag h\u00e4vda att vi inom akademin har ett ansvar att s\u00f6ka samverkan och samarbete med kollegor runt om i v\u00e4rlden, i syfte att l\u00e4ra av varandra, skapa dialog, initiera utbyte och medverka till att sprida de akademiska grundv\u00e4rderingarna om frihet och autonomi. Universitetens roll \u00e4r inte att springa makthavares \u00e4renden.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Akademiskt samarbete \u00e4r i grunden ett samarbete mellan forskare. F\u00f6r forskare som lever i auktorit\u00e4ra stater \u00e4r detta ofta n\u00e5got som ger energi och andrum i en annars repressiv milj\u00f6 och som g\u00f6r att man orkar forts\u00e4tta arbeta och engagera sig. Forskare till forskare-samarbeten \u00e4r s\u00e4rskilt viktiga som stabiliserande element n\u00e4r diplomatiska kanaler bryts ned. Friheten och m\u00f6jligheten att forska \u00f6ver landsgr\u00e4nserna blir \u00e4nnu viktigare n\u00e4r andra friheter tas bort. Och som jag har skrivit tidigare \u2013 n\u00e4r eller om en repressiv regim \u00e5terg\u00e5r i en mer demokratisk riktning kommer existerande samarbeten att ge en extra skjuts i den utvecklingen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dock ska man sj\u00e4lvklart inte uppr\u00e4tth\u00e5lla samarbeten om man ser att de missbrukas f\u00f6r milit\u00e4ra eller politiska m\u00e5l.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Annat perspektiv<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

I den h\u00e4r diskussionen om \u201cscientific sanctions\u201d \u00e4r perspektivet ett annat. Skulle id\u00e9erna om s\u00e5dana sanktioner realiseras, \u00e4r risken att resultatet blir n\u00e4rmast motsatt till den akademiska frihet och institutionella autonomi vi ska efterstr\u00e4va och k\u00e4mpa f\u00f6r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Om EU:s organ skulle fatta ett generellt beslut om strypa eller bojkotta forskningssamarbete f\u00f6r att p\u00e5 s\u00e5 s\u00e4tt \u00f6ka pressen p\u00e5 ett annat land, kan det inte ses som annat \u00e4n att den akademiska friheten inordnas som ett renodlat politiskt medel bland m\u00e5nga andra. Det \u00e4r min best\u00e4mda \u00e5sikt att detta \u00e4r ett sluttande plan, vars konsekvenser kan bli sv\u00e5ra att \u00f6verblicka och som i v\u00e4rsta fall p\u00e5 sikt kan leda till en helt annat inst\u00e4llning n\u00e4r det g\u00e4ller den akademiska friheten i EU och i medlemsstaterna.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00e4ttre s\u00e4tt<\/h4>\n\n\n\n

Det \u00e4r en v\u00e4g vi inte vill g\u00e5. Det finns betydligt b\u00e4ttre s\u00e4tt att agera och s\u00e4tta press p\u00e5 Ryssland och andra auktorit\u00e4ra l\u00e4nder \u00e4n att anv\u00e4nda akademin som vapen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Generellt g\u00e4ller det att om vi \u00f6verhuvudtaget ska anv\u00e4nda begreppet \u201dscientific sanctions\u201d s\u00e5 m\u00e5ste det (paradoxalt i den h\u00e4r debatten) handla om att vi \u00f6ppnar upp<\/em>: att vi bjuder in och tar emot forskare som inte l\u00e4ngre kan forska under en repressiv regim. Det \u00e4r exakt det som \u00e4r filosofin bakom organisationen Scholars at Risk:s initiativ om att ta emot regimkritiska forskare f\u00f6r att p\u00e5 s\u00e5 s\u00e4tt skicka en tydlig signal till auktorit\u00e4ra l\u00e4nder om att det inte g\u00e5r att stoppa den fria forskningen. Efter talibanernas makt\u00f6vertagande i Afghanistan har \u00f6ver 200 l\u00e4ros\u00e4ten och forskningsinstitutioner anm\u00e4lt sig som villiga att ta emot en forskare p\u00e5 flykt. Karolinska Institutet \u00e4r en av dessa<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vi har en global akademisk gemenskap som f\u00f6rsvarar de friheterna och den v\u00e4rdegrund som \u00e4r inkorporerat i FN:s deklaration om de m\u00e4nskliga r\u00e4ttigheterna<\/a> och andra internationella konventioner. Den gemenskapen och den v\u00e4rdegrunden f\u00e5r inte utnyttjas f\u00f6r specifika politiska syften eller som maktens vapen i konflikter.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Avslutningsvis en personlig markering: <\/strong>Jag vill skicka mitt oreserverade och starka st\u00f6d till den ukrainska befolkningen, till kollegor som \u00e4r verksamma i landet och till de personer med ukrainsk bakgrund som finns vid KI. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

Academia should not be used as a weapon of war<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This text was written before the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The contents are still just as relevant.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Should research and public research funding be used as a means to put pressure on actors involved in international conflicts?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This question has come to the fore now that Russia has recognized the two eastern Ukrainian regions of Luhansk and Donetsk as independent states. The news has prompted a wide international move to impose different kinds of sanction against Russia. The EU itself has announced a far-reaching package of sanctions, primarily economic. However, other kinds of sanction have been mooted, including \u201cscience sanctions\u201d (see e.g. article in Science Business<\/a>, 22 February).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An instrument<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

No decision has been taken on such sanctions, but discussions are clearly underway on using scientific exchange and funding as instruments of pressure on Russia. In effect, they would shut Russia out of Horizon Europe, the EU\u2019s main funding programme for research and innovation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I myself have no qualms about adopting a staunchly critical attitude towards Russian aggression against Ukraine. Naturally I have nothing against economic sanctions as long as they hit those in power – the ones who bear ultimate responsibility for this flagrant violation of international law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Aggression, sabre rattling and armed conflict do not solve any problems, and this kind of terrorist pressure exerted by a powerful country on another independent nation can only be condemned. If the rest of the world can support Ukraine through different forms of non-aggressive intervention, such as well-targeted economic sanctions and boycotts, it is an excellent way to go forward as a clear demonstration of where our solidarity lies and of our unreserved denunciation of the outrageous way in which a powerful country treats its smaller neighbors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Instinctive reaction<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

At times of crisis, we often react instinctively and don\u2019t devote enough time to consider the principles and overarching purposes of academic collaboration. Should academic research and higher education be applied to put pressure on actors involved in war or conflict? No. It would be both unfortunate and inappropriate to sever researcher-to-researcher collaborations as a means to political ends, no matter how worthy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Generally, what we need in this turbulent world of ours is responsible internationalisation<\/em>. There are many perspectives and considerations to take into account when engaging in scientific collaborations or student exchanges. Where do we draw the line? Is it OK to have some kind of academic interaction with a totalitarian state? If so, what form is it to take, how far can we go? What about the moral and ethical issues at stake? What will be the consequences for the scientists and students working in the authoritarian country? Does our presence, engagement and collaboration foster academic freedoms there or are we merely legitimising the regime?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

No obvious answers<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

There are no obvious answers; each situation is unique and must be judged according to its own particular circumstances. But generally speaking, I would maintain that we as academics should seek interaction and collaboration with colleagues from around the world in the interests of mutual learning, dialogue, exchange of ideas and skills, and spreading the fundamental academic values of freedom and institutional autonomy. Universities should contribute to the common good and should not run errands for political decision makers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Academic collaboration is collaboration in the pursuit of new knowledge. For researchers living in authoritarian states, international contacts provide  breathing space in an otherwise repressive environment. Academic networks help sustain international understanding and trust when diplomatic channels collapse. The freedom to do research across national boundaries becomes even more important when other liberties are removed. And when (or if) a repressive regime regains some element of democracy, existing collaborations will help speed up the development in the right direction.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This said, collaborations should not be allowed to continue if they are being exploited for military or political objectives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A different perspective<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

If the EU moves towards a moratorium on or a boycott of scientific collaboration in order to put pressure on another country, this would encroach on academic freedom and reduce science to a political tool. It is my firm opinion that this would be a slippery slope with unknown consequences. Notably,  barring collaborations with colleagues of a given nationality could easily rebound on our own campuses and lead to stigmatization and alienation there.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A better way<\/strong><\/h4>\n\n\n\n

There are much better ways to act and put pressure on Russia and other authoritarian states than using academic collaboration as a weapon.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Paradoxically, if we are to use the term \u201cscience sanctions\u201d at all, it must be about opening up<\/em>: about inviting and receiving scientists that can no longer work under a repressive regime. This is the philosophy that is driving the Scholars at Risk initiative to receive dissenting researchers and – in so doing – send a clear signal to authoritarian regimes that free, unfettered research cannot be stopped. Since the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, over 200 universities and research institutions have registered their willingness to receive a researcher that has had to flee the country because of their opinions or line of work.\u00a0Karolinska Institutet is one of them<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We have a global academic community that defends the freedoms and values embodied in the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international conventions. This community must not be exploited for specific political ends or as weapons of war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, I extend my strong support to the people of Ukraine and our colleagues there, and to those of our students and staff that are directly or indirectly impacted by the current conflict. <\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Texten skriven innan nattens h\u00e4ndelser och den ryska milit\u00e4ra insatsen mot Ukraina. Inneh\u00e5llet \u00e4r dock lika aktuellt. 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